超线性回报
超线性回报
2023年10月
我童年时对世界不了解的最重要事情之一是表现回报的超线性程度。
老师和教练隐含地告诉我们回报是线性的。“你得到,“我听了上千次,“你投入的。“他们出于好意,但这很少是真的。如果你的产品只有竞争对手的一半好,你不会得到一半的顾客。你得不到顾客,你会倒闭。
显然,商业中表现的回报是超线性的。有些人认为这是资本主义的缺陷,如果我们改变规则,它就会停止成真。但表现的超线性回报是世界的一个特征,不是我们发明的规则的产物。我们在名声、权力、军事胜利、知识,甚至对人类的利益中看到相同的模式。在所有这些中,富人变得更富有。[1]
如果不理解超线性回报的概念,你就不可能理解世界。而如果你有雄心,你肯定应该理解,因为这将是你冲浪的浪潮。
似乎有很多不同的情况具有超线性回报,但据我所知,它们归结为两个基本原因:指数增长和阈值。
超线性回报最明显的情况是当你正在处理指数增长的东西时。例如,培养细菌培养物。当它们增长时,它们是指数增长。但它们培养起来很棘手。这意味着熟练的人和不熟练的人之间的结果差异非常大。
创业公司也可以指数增长,我们在那里看到相同的模式。一些设法实现高增长率。大多数没有。结果你得到质上不同的结果:高增长率的公司往往变得非常有价值,而增长率较低的公司可能甚至无法生存。
Y Combinator鼓励创始人专注于增长率而不是绝对数字。这可以防止他们在绝对数字仍然很低时早期气馁。它还帮助他们决定专注于什么:你可以使用增长率作为指南针来告诉你如何发展公司。但主要优势是,通过专注于增长率,你倾向于获得指数增长的东西。
YC没有明确告诉创始人增长率”你得到你投入的”,但这离真相不远。而如果增长率与表现成比例,那么时间t上表现p的奖励将与p^t成比例。
即使在几十年思考这个之后,我发现这句话令人震惊。
只要你做得如何取决于你之前做得如何,你就会得到指数增长。但我们的DNA和习俗都没有为此准备我们。没有人发现指数增长是自然的;每个孩子第一次听到时都感到惊讶,那个向国王第一天要求一粒米,之后每天加倍数量的人的故事。
我们自然而然不理解的东西,我们发展习俗来处理,但我们也没有太多关于指数增长的习俗,因为人类历史中很少有这种情况。原则上牧业应该是一个:你拥有的动物越多,它们的后代就越多。但实际上放牧地是限制因素,而且没有计划使其指数增长。
或者更准确地说,没有普遍适用的计划。有一种方法可以指数增长你的领土:通过征服。你控制的领土越多,你的军队变得越强大,征服新领土就越容易。这就是为什么历史上充满了帝国。但很少有人创建或经营帝国,他们的经历对习俗影响不大。皇帝是一个遥远而可怕的人物,不是一个人可以在自己生活中使用的教训来源。
前工业时代最常见的指数增长情况可能是学术。你知道的越多,学习新东西就越容易。那时和现在的结果都是,一些人在某些主题上比其他人明显知识渊博得多。但这也没有很大影响习俗。虽然思想帝国可以重叠,因此可以有更多的皇帝,但在前工业时代,这种类型的帝国几乎没有实际效果。[2]
这在过去几个世纪已经改变。现在思想的皇帝可以设计击败领土皇帝的炸弹。但这个现象仍然如此之新,以至于我们还没有完全吸收它。甚至很少有参与者意识到他们从指数增长中受益,或者询问他们可以从中学习什么。
超线性回报的另一个来源体现在”赢家通吃”这个表达中。在体育比赛中,表现和回报之间的关系是一个阶跃函数:获胜的队伍获得一场胜利,无论他们做得好得多还是只是稍好一点。[3]
阶跃函数的来源不是竞争本身。而是结果中有阈值。你不需要竞争来获得那些。在你是唯一参与者的情况下可以有阈值,比如证明定理或击中目标。
具有一个超线性回报来源的情况也常常有另一个,这很了不起。跨越阈值导致指数增长:战斗中的获胜方通常遭受较少损害,这使他们在未来更有可能获胜。而指数增长帮助你跨越阈值:在具有网络效应的市场中,增长足够快的公司可以关闭潜在竞争对手。
名声是一个有趣的现象例子,它结合了两种超线性回报来源。名声指数增长,因为现有粉丝给你带来新粉丝。但它如此集中的基本原因是阈值:普通人脑中A名单的空间只有那么多。
结合两种超线性回报来源的最重要情况可能是学习。知识指数增长,但其中也有阈值。例如,学习骑自行车。其中一些阈值类似于机器工具:一旦你学会阅读,你能够更快地学习任何其他东西。但所有最重要的阈值是那些代表新发现的阈值。知识似乎在某种意义上是分形的,如果你努力推进一个知识领域的边界,你有时会发现一个全新的领域。如果你这样做,你将获得第一个机会探索其中所有新的发现。牛顿做到了,丢勒和达尔文也做到了。
寻找具有超线性回报的情况有一般规则吗?最明显的一个是寻找复合的工作。
工作可以复合有两种方式。它可以直接复合,在一个周期做得好导致下一个周期做得更好。例如,当你在建设基础设施,或增长受众或品牌时发生这种情况。或者工作可以通过教你而复合,因为学习是复合的。第二种情况很有趣,因为当它发生时你可能觉得自己做得不好。你可能没有实现你的直接目标。但如果你在学习很多,那么你实际上仍然在获得指数增长。
这是硅谷对失败如此容忍的原因之一。硅谷的人不是盲目地容忍失败。只有当你从失败中学习时,他们才会继续下注你。但如果你是,你实际上是个好赌注:也许你的公司没有像你想要的那样增长,但你个人成长了,这最终应该产生结果。
确实,不包含学习的指数增长形式经常与它交织在一起,以至于我们可能应该将其视为规则而不是例外。这产生另一个启发式:总是在学习。如果你不在学习,你可能不在导致超线性回报的路径上。
但不要过度优化你学习的东西。不要将自己限制在已知有价值的学习上。你在学习;你还不确定什么会是有价值的,如果你太严格,你会去掉异常值。
阶跃函数呢?是否有”寻找阈值”或”寻找竞争”形式的有用启发式?这里情况更棘手。阈值的存在并不保证游戏值得玩。如果你玩一轮俄罗斯轮盘赌,你当然会在阈值情况下,但在最好的情况下你不会更好。“寻找竞争”同样无用;如果奖品不值得竞争怎么办?足够快的指数增长保证了回报曲线的形状和大小——因为增长足够快的东西即使开始时微不足道也会变大——但阈值只保证形状。[4]
利用阈值的原理必须包括一个测试以确保游戏值得玩。这里有一个:如果你遇到平庸但仍然受欢迎的东西,替换它可能是个好主意。例如,如果一家公司制造人们不喜欢但仍然购买的产品,那么如果你制造更好的替代品,他们可能会购买。[5]
如果能有一种方法找到有希望的知识阈值就好了。有没有方法告诉哪些问题背后有全新的领域?我怀疑我们能否确定地预测这一点,但奖品如此有价值,以至于拥有比随机稍微好一点的预测器会很有用,而且有希望找到这些。我们可以在某种程度上预测一个研究问题什么时候不可能导致新发现:当它看起来合法但无聊时。而那种确实导致新发现的类型往往看起来非常神秘,但可能不重要。(如果它们神秘且明显重要,它们将是著名的开放问题,有很多人已经在研究它们。)所以这里的一个启发式是由好奇心而不是职业主义驱动——给你的好奇心自由发挥,而不是工作在你应该做的事情上。
表现超线性回报的前景对有雄心的人来说是令人兴奋的。在这个部门有好消息:这个领域在两个方向上都在扩大。有更多类型的工作你可以获得超线性回报,而回报本身也在增长。
这有两个原因,尽管它们如此紧密交织以至于更像一个半:技术进步和组织重要性的降低。
五十年前,要成为组织的一部分来从事雄心勃勃的项目通常要必要得多。这是获得所需资源的唯一方式,拥有同事的唯一方式,以及获得分销的唯一方式。所以在1970年,你的声望在大多数情况下是你所属组织的声望。而声望是一个准确的预测器,因为如果你不是组织的一部分,你不太可能取得很大成就。有一些例外,最著名的是艺术家和作家,他们单独工作使用便宜的工具并拥有自己的品牌。但即使他们在接触受众方面也受组织摆布。[6]
一个由组织主导的世界减缓了表现回报的变化。但在我的一生中,这个世界已经显著侵蚀。现在更多的人可以拥有艺术家和作家在20世纪拥有的自由。有许多雄心勃勃的项目不需要太多初始资金,有许多新的方式来学习、赚钱、寻找同事和接触受众。
旧世界仍然有很多,但按历史标准,变化率是戏剧性的。特别是考虑到利害关系。很难想象比表现回报变化更根本的变化。
没有机构的减缓效应,结果会有更多变化。这并不意味着每个人都会更好:做得好的人会做得更好,但做得不好的人会更糟。这是要记住的重要一点。让自己暴露于超线性回报并不适合每个人。大多数人会成为池子的一部分会更好。那么谁应该追求超线性回报?两种类型的有雄心的人:那些知道自己足够好,在变化更大的世界中净收益的人,以及那些,特别是年轻人,能够冒险尝试以找出答案的人。[7]
离开机构的转变不会简单地是当前居民的大规模离开。许多新的赢家将是他们永远不会让进入的人。因此,由此产生的机会民主化将比机构自己可能策划的任何温和内部版本更大和更真实。不是每个人都对这种雄心壮志的大解锁感到高兴。它威胁到一些既得利益,违背一些意识形态。[8]但如果你是一个有雄心的个人,这对你是好消息。你应该如何利用它?
利用表现超线性回报的最明显方式是做异常好的工作。在曲线的远端,增量努力是划算的。更如此的是因为远端竞争较少——不仅因为做好异常工作很明显困难,还因为人们发现前景如此令人畏惧,以至于很少有人甚至尝试。这意味着做异常工作不仅是划算的,甚至尝试也是划算的。
有许多变量影响你的工作有多好,如果你想成为一个异常者,你需要让几乎所有变量都正确。例如,要做异常好的事情,你必须对它感兴趣。仅仅勤奋是不够的。所以在超线性回报的世界中,知道你感兴趣的是什么并找到方法在其上工作更有价值。[9]选择适合你环境的工作也很重要。例如,如果有一种工作本质上需要大量时间和精力支出,在你年轻还没有孩子时做它将越来越有价值。
做伟大工作有惊人的大量技巧。不仅仅是努力尝试的问题。我将在一段话中尝试给出一个配方。
选择你有自然才能和深层兴趣的工作。发展在你的项目上工作的习惯;它们是什么并不重要,只要你觉得它们令人兴奋地雄心勃勃。尽可能努力工作而不倦怠,这最终将带你到知识的一个前沿。从远处看它们平滑,但近看充满空白。注意并探索这样的空白,如果幸运,一个将扩展成全新的领域。承担你能负担的风险;如果你不偶尔失败,你可能太保守了。寻找最好的同事。发展良好的品味并向最好的例子学习。诚实,特别是对自己。锻炼,吃好,睡好,避免更危险的药物。有疑问时,跟随你的好奇心。它从不撒谎,它比你更知道什么值得注意。[10]
当然,你还需要一件事:幸运。运气总是一个因素,但当你独立工作而不是作为组织的一部分时,它更是因素。虽然有一些关于运气是准备遇见机会等的正确格言,但也有一个你无能为力的真实机会成分。解决方案是多次尝试。这是另一个尽早开始冒险的原因。
具有超线性回报领域的最好例子可能是科学。它有指数增长,以学习的形式,结合在表现极端边缘的阈值——字面上在知识的极限。
结果是科学发现中的不平等水平,使即使是分层最严重社会的财富不平等看起来相形见绌。牛顿的发现可以说比他所有同时代人的发现加起来还要大。[11]
这一点可能看起来明显,但也许值得明确说明。超线性回报意味着不平等。回报曲线越陡,结果变化越大。
事实上,超线性回报和不平等之间的相关性如此强烈,以至于它产生了寻找这种类型工作的另一个启发式:寻找少数大赢家表现超过其他所有人的领域。每个人都做大约相同工作的领域不太可能是具有超线性回报的领域。
少数大赢家表现超过其他所有人的领域是什么?这里有一些明显的:体育、政治、艺术、音乐、表演、导演、写作、数学、科学、创业公司和投资。在体育中,这种现象是由于外部强加的阈值;你只需要快百分之几就能赢得每场比赛。在政治中,权力的增长很像皇帝时代。而在其他一些领域(包括政治中),成功主要由名声驱动,名声有自己的超线性增长来源。但当我们排除体育和政治以及名声的影响时,出现了一个显著的模式:剩下的列表与那些需要独立思考才能成功的领域完全相同——在那里你的想法不仅要正确,还要新颖。[12]
这在科学中显然是这种情况。你不能发表说其他人已经说过的话的论文。但例如在投资中同样如此。只有当大多数其他投资者不认为公司会做得好时,相信公司会做得好才有用;如果其他每个人都认为公司会做得好,那么其股票价格已经反映了这一点,没有赚钱的空间。
我们还能从这些领域学到什么?在所有这些中,你必须投入初始努力。超线性回报起初看起来很小。以这个速度,你发现自己想,我永远不会到达任何地方。但因为奖励曲线在远端上升得如此陡峭,采取非凡措施到达那里是值得的。
在创业世界,这个原则的名称是”做不扩展的事情。“如果你对你的初始小顾客群体支付荒谬的关注,理想情况下你将通过口碑启动指数增长。但这同样的原则适用于任何指数增长的东西。例如学习。当你开始学习某事时,你感到迷失。但做出初始努力获得立足点值得,因为你学得越多,它会变得越容易。
在具有超线性回报的领域列表中还有另一个更微妙的教训:不要将工作与工作等同起来。在20世纪的大部分时间里,这对几乎每个人都是相同的,结果我们继承了一个将生产力与有工作等同的习俗。即使现在对大多数人来说”你的工作”这个短语意味着他们的工作。但对作家或艺术家或科学家来说,它意味着他们当前正在研究或创造的东西。对这样的人来说,他们的工作是他们从工作带到工作的东西,如果他们有工作的话。它可能为雇主做,但是他们作品集的一部分。
进入少数大赢家表现超过其他所有人的领域是令人畏惧的前景。有些人故意这样做,但你不需要。如果你有足够的自然能力,并充分跟随你的好奇心,你最终会在一个。你的好奇心不会让你对无聊的问题感兴趣,而有趣的问题如果还不是现有领域的一部分,倾向于创造具有超线性回报的领域。
超线性回报的领域绝不是静态的。事实上,最极端的回报来自扩展它。所以虽然雄心和好奇心都可以让你进入这个领域,但好奇心可能是两者中更强大的。雄心倾向于让你爬上现有的山峰,但如果你足够接近一个足够有趣的问题,它可能在你下面长成一座山。
注释
你能在多大程度上区分努力、表现和回报是有限度的,因为它们在事实上不是明确区分的。对一个人算作回报的东西可能对另一个人是表现。虽然这些概念的边界模糊,但它们不是无意义的。我试图尽可能精确地写它们而不陷入错误。
[1] 进化本身可能是表现超线性回报最普遍的例子。但这很难让我们感同身受,因为我们不是接受者;我们是回报。
[2] 知识当然在工业革命前有实际效果。农业的发展完全改变了人类生活。但这种变化是技术广泛、渐进改进的结果,不是几个特别有学问的人的发现。
[3] 将阶跃函数描述为超线性在数学上不正确,但从零开始的阶跃函数在描述理性行动者努力的奖励曲线时像超线性函数。如果它从零开始,那么阶跃前的部分低于任何线性增加的回报,阶跃后的部分必须高于那一点的必要回报,否则没有人会费心。
[4] “寻找竞争”在某些人觉得它有激励的意义上可能是个好启发式。它也是对有希望问题的某种指南,因为它是其他人觉得它们有希望的迹象。但它是一个非常不完美的迹象:常常有一群喧嚣的人群追逐某个问题,而他们最终都被安静地研究另一个问题的人胜过。
[5] 并不总是。你必须小心使用这个规则。当某物平庸却仍然受欢迎时,通常有隐藏的原因。也许垄断或监管使竞争困难。也许顾客品味差或有决定购买什么的有缺陷程序。由于这些原因存在大量平庸事物。
[6] 我二十几岁时想成为艺术家,甚至去艺术学校学习绘画。主要是因为我喜欢艺术,但我动机的相当一部分来自艺术家似乎最少受组织摆布的事实。
[7] 原则上每个人都在获得超线性回报。学习复合,每个人在一生中都学习。但实际上很少有人将这种日常学习推到回报曲线真正陡峭的程度。
[8] “公平”倡导者的确切含义不清楚。他们似乎意见不一。但无论他们意思是什么,可能与机构控制结果能力更少、少数异常者比其他人做得好得多的世界相悖。
这个概念在世界上正好向相反方向转变的时刻出现,可能看起来像坏运气,但我不认为这是巧合。我认为它现在出现的原因之一是其拥护者感到受到表现迅速增加变化的威胁。
[9] 推论:强迫孩子在像医学这样有声望的东西上工作的父母,即使他们没有兴趣,将比过去更严重地伤害他们。
[10] 这一段的原始版本是《如何做伟大工作》的第一稿。我一写完就意识到它是比超线性回报更重要的主题,所以我暂停了本文,将这一段扩展成自己的文章。原始版本几乎没有保留,因为在我完成《如何做伟大工作》后,我基于它重写了它。
[11] 工业革命前,变富的人通常像皇帝那样做:捕获某种资源使他们更强大,使他们能够捕获更多。现在它可以像科学家那样做,通过发现或构建独特有价值的东西。大多数变富的人使用新旧方式的混合,但在最先进的经济中,过去半个世纪比例已经戏剧性地转向发现。
[12] 传统思想的人不喜欢不平等,如果独立思想是最大的驱动因素之一,这并不奇怪。但这不仅仅是因为他们不希望任何人拥有他们不能拥有的东西。传统思想的人实际上无法想象拥有新颖想法是什么样。所以表现的巨大变化现象对他们来说似乎不自然,当他们遇到它时,他们假设它一定是由于作弊或某些恶意外部影响。
感谢Trevor Blackwell、Patrick Collison、Tyler Cowen、Jessica Livingston、Harj Taggar和Garry Tan阅读本文的草稿。
Superlinear Returns
October 2023
One of the most important things I didn’t understand about the world when I was a child is the degree to which the returns for performance are superlinear.
Teachers and coaches implicitly told us the returns were linear. “You get out,” I heard a thousand times, “what you put in.” They meant well, but this is rarely true. If your product is only half as good as your competitor’s, you don’t get half as many customers. You get no customers, and you go out of business.
It’s obviously true that the returns for performance are superlinear in business. Some think this is a flaw of capitalism, and that if we changed the rules it would stop being true. But superlinear returns for performance are a feature of the world, not an artifact of rules we’ve invented. We see the same pattern in fame, power, military victories, knowledge, and even benefit to humanity. In all of these, the rich get richer. [1]
You can’t understand the world without understanding the concept of superlinear returns. And if you’re ambitious you definitely should, because this will be the wave you surf on.
It may seem as if there are a lot of different situations with superlinear returns, but as far as I can tell they reduce to two fundamental causes: exponential growth and thresholds.
The most obvious case of superlinear returns is when you’re working on something that grows exponentially. For example, growing bacterial cultures. When they grow at all, they grow exponentially. But they’re tricky to grow. Which means the difference in outcome between someone who’s adept at it and someone who’s not is very great.
Startups can also grow exponentially, and we see the same pattern there. Some manage to achieve high growth rates. Most don’t. And as a result you get qualitatively different outcomes: the companies with high growth rates tend to become immensely valuable, while the ones with lower growth rates may not even survive.
Y Combinator encourages founders to focus on growth rate rather than absolute numbers. It prevents them from being discouraged early on, when the absolute numbers are still low. It also helps them decide what to focus on: you can use growth rate as a compass to tell you how to evolve the company. But the main advantage is that by focusing on growth rate you tend to get something that grows exponentially.
YC doesn’t explicitly tell founders that with growth rate “you get out what you put in,” but it’s not far from the truth. And if growth rate were proportional to performance, then the reward for performance p over time t would be proportional to p^t.
Even after decades of thinking about this, I find that sentence startling.
Whenever how well you do depends on how well you’ve done, you’ll get exponential growth. But neither our DNA nor our customs prepare us for it. No one finds exponential growth natural; every child is surprised, the first time they hear it, by the story of the man who asks the king for a single grain of rice the first day and double the amount each successive day.
What we don’t understand naturally we develop customs to deal with, but we don’t have many customs about exponential growth either, because there have been so few instances of it in human history. In principle herding should have been one: the more animals you had, the more offspring they’d have. But in practice grazing land was the limiting factor, and there was no plan for growing that exponentially.
Or more precisely, no generally applicable plan. There was a way to grow one’s territory exponentially: by conquest. The more territory you control, the more powerful your army becomes, and the easier it is to conquer new territory. This is why history is full of empires. But so few people created or ran empires that their experiences didn’t affect customs very much. The emperor was a remote and terrifying figure, not a source of lessons one could use in one’s own life.
The most common case of exponential growth in preindustrial times was probably scholarship. The more you know, the easier it is to learn new things. The result, then as now, was that some people were startlingly more knowledgeable than the rest about certain topics. But this didn’t affect customs much either. Although empires of ideas can overlap and there can thus be far more emperors, in preindustrial times this type of empire had little practical effect. [2]
That has changed in the last few centuries. Now the emperors of ideas can design bombs that defeat the emperors of territory. But this phenomenon is still so new that we haven’t fully assimilated it. Few even of the participants realize they’re benefitting from exponential growth or ask what they can learn from other instances of it.
The other source of superlinear returns is embodied in the expression “winner take all.” In a sports match the relationship between performance and return is a step function: the winning team gets one win whether they do much better or just slightly better. [3]
The source of the step function is not competition per se, however. It’s that there are thresholds in the outcome. You don’t need competition to get those. There can be thresholds in situations where you’re the only participant, like proving a theorem or hitting a target.
It’s remarkable how often a situation with one source of superlinear returns also has the other. Crossing thresholds leads to exponential growth: the winning side in a battle usually suffers less damage, which makes them more likely to win in the future. And exponential growth helps you cross thresholds: in a market with network effects, a company that grows fast enough can shut out potential competitors.
Fame is an interesting example of a phenomenon that combines both sources of superlinear returns. Fame grows exponentially because existing fans bring you new ones. But the fundamental reason it’s so concentrated is thresholds: there’s only so much room on the A-list in the average person’s head.
The most important case combining both sources of superlinear returns may be learning. Knowledge grows exponentially, but there are also thresholds in it. Learning to ride a bicycle, for example. Some of these thresholds are akin to machine tools: once you learn to read, you’re able to learn anything else much faster. But the most important thresholds of all are those representing new discoveries. Knowledge seems to be fractal in the sense that if you push hard at the boundary of one area of knowledge, you sometimes discover a whole new field. And if you do, you get first crack at all the new discoveries to be made in it. Newton did this, and so did Durer and Darwin.
Are there general rules for finding situations with superlinear returns? The most obvious one is to seek work that compounds.
There are two ways work can compound. It can compound directly, in the sense that doing well in one cycle causes you to do better in the next. That happens for example when you’re building infrastructure, or growing an audience or brand. Or work can compound by teaching you, since learning compounds. This second case is an interesting one because you may feel you’re doing badly as it’s happening. You may be failing to achieve your immediate goal. But if you’re learning a lot, then you’re getting exponential growth nonetheless.
This is one reason Silicon Valley is so tolerant of failure. People in Silicon Valley aren’t blindly tolerant of failure. They’ll only continue to bet on you if you’re learning from your failures. But if you are, you are in fact a good bet: maybe your company didn’t grow the way you wanted, but you yourself have, and that should yield results eventually.
Indeed, the forms of exponential growth that don’t consist of learning are so often intermixed with it that we should probably treat this as the rule rather than the exception. Which yields another heuristic: always be learning. If you’re not learning, you’re probably not on a path that leads to superlinear returns.
But don’t overoptimize what you’re learning. Don’t limit yourself to learning things that are already known to be valuable. You’re learning; you don’t know for sure yet what’s going to be valuable, and if you’re too strict you’ll lop off the outliers.
What about step functions? Are there also useful heuristics of the form “seek thresholds” or “seek competition?” Here the situation is trickier. The existence of a threshold doesn’t guarantee the game will be worth playing. If you play a round of Russian roulette, you’ll be in a situation with a threshold, certainly, but in the best case you’re no better off. “Seek competition” is similarly useless; what if the prize isn’t worth competing for? Sufficiently fast exponential growth guarantees both the shape and magnitude of the return curve — because something that grows fast enough will grow big even if it’s trivially small at first — but thresholds only guarantee the shape. [4]
A principle for taking advantage of thresholds has to include a test to ensure the game is worth playing. Here’s one that does: if you come across something that’s mediocre yet still popular, it could be a good idea to replace it. For example, if a company makes a product that people dislike yet still buy, then presumably they’d buy a better alternative if you made one. [5]
It would be great if there were a way to find promising intellectual thresholds. Is there a way to tell which questions have whole new fields beyond them? I doubt we could ever predict this with certainty, but the prize is so valuable that it would be useful to have predictors that were even a little better than random, and there’s hope of finding those. We can to some degree predict when a research problem isn’t likely to lead to new discoveries: when it seems legit but boring. Whereas the kind that do lead to new discoveries tend to seem very mystifying, but perhaps unimportant. (If they were mystifying and obviously important, they’d be famous open questions with lots of people already working on them.) So one heuristic here is to be driven by curiosity rather than careerism — to give free rein to your curiosity instead of working on what you’re supposed to.
The prospect of superlinear returns for performance is an exciting one for the ambitious. And there’s good news in this department: this territory is expanding in both directions. There are more types of work in which you can get superlinear returns, and the returns themselves are growing.
There are two reasons for this, though they’re so closely intertwined that they’re more like one and a half: progress in technology, and the decreasing importance of organizations.
Fifty years ago it used to be much more necessary to be part of an organization to work on ambitious projects. It was the only way to get the resources you needed, the only way to have colleagues, and the only way to get distribution. So in 1970 your prestige was in most cases the prestige of the organization you belonged to. And prestige was an accurate predictor, because if you weren’t part of an organization, you weren’t likely to achieve much. There were a handful of exceptions, most notably artists and writers, who worked alone using inexpensive tools and had their own brands. But even they were at the mercy of organizations for reaching audiences. [6]
A world dominated by organizations damped variation in the returns for performance. But this world has eroded significantly just in my lifetime. Now a lot more people can have the freedom that artists and writers had in the 20th century. There are lots of ambitious projects that don’t require much initial funding, and lots of new ways to learn, make money, find colleagues, and reach audiences.
There’s still plenty of the old world left, but the rate of change has been dramatic by historical standards. Especially considering what’s at stake. It’s hard to imagine a more fundamental change than one in the returns for performance.
Without the damping effect of institutions, there will be more variation in outcomes. Which doesn’t imply everyone will be better off: people who do well will do even better, but those who do badly will do worse. That’s an important point to bear in mind. Exposing oneself to superlinear returns is not for everyone. Most people will be better off as part of the pool. So who should shoot for superlinear returns? Ambitious people of two types: those who know they’re so good that they’ll be net ahead in a world with higher variation, and those, particularly the young, who can afford to risk trying it to find out. [7]
The switch away from institutions won’t simply be an exodus of their current inhabitants. Many of the new winners will be people they’d never have let in. So the resulting democratization of opportunity will be both greater and more authentic than any tame intramural version the institutions themselves might have cooked up. Not everyone is happy about this great unlocking of ambition. It threatens some vested interests and contradicts some ideologies. [8] But if you’re an ambitious individual it’s good news for you. How should you take advantage of it?
The most obvious way to take advantage of superlinear returns for performance is by doing exceptionally good work. At the far end of the curve, incremental effort is a bargain. All the more so because there’s less competition at the far end — and not just for the obvious reason that it’s hard to do something exceptionally well, but also because people find the prospect so intimidating that few even try. Which means it’s not just a bargain to do exceptional work, but a bargain even to try to.
There are many variables that affect how good your work is, and if you want to be an outlier you need to get nearly all of them right. For example, to do something exceptionally well, you have to be interested in it. Mere diligence is not enough. So in a world with superlinear returns, it’s even more valuable to know what you’re interested in, and to find ways to work on it. [9] It will also be important to choose work that suits your circumstances. For example, if there’s a kind of work that inherently requires a huge expenditure of time and energy, it will be increasingly valuable to do it when you’re young and don’t yet have children.
There’s a surprising amount of technique to doing great work. It’s not just a matter of trying hard. I’m going to take a shot giving a recipe in one paragraph.
Choose work you have a natural aptitude for and a deep interest in. Develop a habit of working on your own projects; it doesn’t matter what they are so long as you find them excitingly ambitious. Work as hard as you can without burning out, and this will eventually bring you to one of the frontiers of knowledge. These look smooth from a distance, but up close they’re full of gaps. Notice and explore such gaps, and if you’re lucky one will expand into a whole new field. Take as much risk as you can afford; if you’re not failing occasionally you’re probably being too conservative. Seek out the best colleagues. Develop good taste and learn from the best examples. Be honest, especially with yourself. Exercise and eat and sleep well and avoid the more dangerous drugs. When in doubt, follow your curiosity. It never lies, and it knows more than you do about what’s worth paying attention to. [10]
And there is of course one other thing you need: to be lucky. Luck is always a factor, but it’s even more of a factor when you’re working on your own rather than as part of an organization. And though there are some valid aphorisms about luck being where preparedness meets opportunity and so on, there’s also a component of true chance that you can’t do anything about. The solution is to take multiple shots. Which is another reason to start taking risks early.
The best example of a field with superlinear returns is probably science. It has exponential growth, in the form of learning, combined with thresholds at the extreme edge of performance — literally at the limits of knowledge.
The result has been a level of inequality in scientific discovery that makes the wealth inequality of even the most stratified societies seem mild by comparison. Newton’s discoveries were arguably greater than all his contemporaries’ combined. [11]
This point may seem obvious, but it might be just as well to spell it out. Superlinear returns imply inequality. The steeper the return curve, the greater the variation in outcomes.
In fact, the correlation between superlinear returns and inequality is so strong that it yields another heuristic for finding work of this type: look for fields where a few big winners outperform everyone else. A kind of work where everyone does about the same is unlikely to be one with superlinear returns.
What are fields where a few big winners outperform everyone else? Here are some obvious ones: sports, politics, art, music, acting, directing, writing, math, science, starting companies, and investing. In sports the phenomenon is due to externally imposed thresholds; you only need to be a few percent faster to win every race. In politics, power grows much as it did in the days of emperors. And in some of the other fields (including politics) success is driven largely by fame, which has its own source of superlinear growth. But when we exclude sports and politics and the effects of fame, a remarkable pattern emerges: the remaining list is exactly the same as the list of fields where you have to be independent-minded to succeed — where your ideas have to be not just correct, but novel as well. [12]
This is obviously the case in science. You can’t publish papers saying things that other people have already said. But it’s just as true in investing, for example. It’s only useful to believe that a company will do well if most other investors don’t; if everyone else thinks the company will do well, then its stock price will already reflect that, and there’s no room to make money.
What else can we learn from these fields? In all of them you have to put in the initial effort. Superlinear returns seem small at first. At this rate, you find yourself thinking, I’ll never get anywhere. But because the reward curve rises so steeply at the far end, it’s worth taking extraordinary measures to get there.
In the startup world, the name for this principle is “do things that don’t scale.” If you pay a ridiculous amount of attention to your tiny initial set of customers, ideally you’ll kick off exponential growth by word of mouth. But this same principle applies to anything that grows exponentially. Learning, for example. When you first start learning something, you feel lost. But it’s worth making the initial effort to get a toehold, because the more you learn, the easier it will get.
There’s another more subtle lesson in the list of fields with superlinear returns: not to equate work with a job. For most of the 20th century the two were identical for nearly everyone, and as a result we’ve inherited a custom that equates productivity with having a job. Even now to most people the phrase “your work” means their job. But to a writer or artist or scientist it means whatever they’re currently studying or creating. For someone like that, their work is something they carry with them from job to job, if they have jobs at all. It may be done for an employer, but it’s part of their portfolio.
It’s an intimidating prospect to enter a field where a few big winners outperform everyone else. Some people do this deliberately, but you don’t need to. If you have sufficient natural ability and you follow your curiosity sufficiently far, you’ll end up in one. Your curiosity won’t let you be interested in boring questions, and interesting questions tend to create fields with superlinear returns if they’re not already part of one.
The territory of superlinear returns is by no means static. Indeed, the most extreme returns come from expanding it. So while both ambition and curiosity can get you into this territory, curiosity may be the more powerful of the two. Ambition tends to make you climb existing peaks, but if you stick close enough to an interesting enough question, it may grow into a mountain beneath you.
Notes
There’s a limit to how sharply you can distinguish between effort, performance, and return, because they’re not sharply distinguished in fact. What counts as return to one person might be performance to another. But though the borders of these concepts are blurry, they’re not meaningless. I’ve tried to write about them as precisely as I could without crossing into error.
[1] Evolution itself is probably the most pervasive example of superlinear returns for performance. But this is hard for us to empathize with because we’re not the recipients; we’re the returns.
[2] Knowledge did of course have a practical effect before the Industrial Revolution. The development of agriculture changed human life completely. But this kind of change was the result of broad, gradual improvements in technique, not the discoveries of a few exceptionally learned people.
[3] It’s not mathematically correct to describe a step function as superlinear, but a step function starting from zero works like a superlinear function when it describes the reward curve for effort by a rational actor. If it starts at zero then the part before the step is below any linearly increasing return, and the part after the step must be above the necessary return at that point or no one would bother.
[4] Seeking competition could be a good heuristic in the sense that some people find it motivating. It’s also somewhat of a guide to promising problems, because it’s a sign that other people find them promising. But it’s a very imperfect sign: often there’s a clamoring crowd chasing some problem, and they all end up being trumped by someone quietly working on another one.
[5] Not always, though. You have to be careful with this rule. When something is popular despite being mediocre, there’s often a hidden reason why. Perhaps monopoly or regulation make it hard to compete. Perhaps customers have bad taste or have broken procedures for deciding what to buy. There are huge swathes of mediocre things that exist for such reasons.
[6] In my twenties I wanted to be an artist and even went to art school to study painting. Mostly because I liked art, but a nontrivial part of my motivation came from the fact that artists seemed least at the mercy of organizations.
[7] In principle everyone is getting superlinear returns. Learning compounds, and everyone learns in the course of their life. But in practice few push this kind of everyday learning to the point where the return curve gets really steep.
[8] It’s unclear exactly what advocates of “equity” mean by it. They seem to disagree among themselves. But whatever they mean is probably at odds with a world in which institutions have less power to control outcomes, and a handful of outliers do much better than everyone else.
It may seem like bad luck for this concept that it arose at just the moment when the world was shifting in the opposite direction, but I don’t think this was a coincidence. I think one reason it arose now is because its adherents feel threatened by rapidly increasing variation in performance.
[9] Corollary: Parents who pressure their kids to work on something prestigious, like medicine, even though they have no interest in it, will be hosing them even more than they have in the past.
[10] The original version of this paragraph was the first draft of “How to Do Great Work.” As soon as I wrote it I realized it was a more important topic than superlinear returns, so I paused the present essay to expand this paragraph into its own. Practically nothing remains of the original version, because after I finished “How to Do Great Work” I rewrote it based on that.
[11] Before the Industrial Revolution, people who got rich usually did it like emperors: capturing some resource made them more powerful and enabled them to capture more. Now it can be done like a scientist, by discovering or building something uniquely valuable. Most people who get rich use a mix of the old and the new ways, but in the most advanced economies the ratio has shifted dramatically toward discovery just in the last half century.
[12] It’s not surprising that conventional-minded people would dislike inequality if independent-mindedness is one of the biggest drivers of it. But it’s not simply that they don’t want anyone to have what they can’t. The conventional-minded literally can’t imagine what it’s like to have novel ideas. So the whole phenomenon of great variation in performance seems unnatural to them, and when they encounter it they assume it must be due to cheating or to some malign external influence.
Thanks to Trevor Blackwell, Patrick Collison, Tyler Cowen, Jessica Livingston, Harj Taggar, and Garry Tan for reading drafts of this.