经济不平等
经济不平等
2016年1月
自1970年代以来,美国的经济不平等急剧增加。特别是,富人变得富裕得多。几乎所有写这个话题的人都说经济不平等应该减少。
我对这个问题感兴趣是因为我是一个名为Y Combinator的公司的创始人之一,该公司帮助人们创办创业公司。几乎根据定义,如果一个创业公司成功,其创始人就会变得富有。这意味着通过帮助创业公司创始人,我一直在帮助增加经济不平等。如果经济不平等应该减少,我就不应该帮助创始人。没有人应该。
但这听起来不对。这里发生了什么?这里发生的是,虽然经济不平等是一个单一指标(或者更确切地说,是两个:收入变化和财富变化),但它有多种原因。其中许多原因是坏的,比如税收漏洞和药物成瘾。但有些是好的,比如拉里·佩奇和谢尔盖·布林创办了你用来在网上找东西的公司。
如果你想理解经济不平等——更重要的是,如果你真的想修复它的坏方面——你必须剖析其组成部分。然而,几乎所有关于这个主题的写作趋势都是相反的:将经济不平等的所有方面挤压在一起,好像它是一个单一现象。
有时这样做是出于意识形态原因。有时是因为作者只有非常高层次的数据,因此从中得出结论,就像 proverbial drunk 在路灯下寻找钥匙,而不是在他丢钥匙的地方,因为那里的光线更好。有时是因为作者不理解不平等的关键方面,比如技术在财富创造中的作用。很多时候,也许大多数时候,关于经济不平等的写作结合了所有三个方面。
饼的错误
人们对经济不平等最常犯的错误是把它当作单一现象。其中最天真的版本是基于饼的错误:富人通过从穷人那里拿钱而变得富有。
通常这是人们开始的假设,而不是通过检查证据得出的结论。有时饼的错误被明确表述:”…顶层的人正在攫取国家收入中越来越大的份额——如此大的份额,以至于留给其他人的份额减少了…”[1] 其他时候更无意识。但无意识的形式非常普遍。我认为这是因为我们在一个饼的错误实际上真实的世界中长大。对孩子来说,财富是一个固定的饼,被分享出去,如果一个人得到更多,那是以另一个人为代价的。需要有意识的努力来提醒自己现实世界不是那样运作的。
在现实世界中,你既可以创造财富,也可以从他人那里夺取财富。木工创造财富。他做一把椅子,你愿意为此给他钱。高频交易者不会。他只有在交易的另一端有人亏损一美元时才赚一美元。
如果一个社会中的富人通过从穷人那里夺取财富而变得富有,那么你就有了经济不平等的退化情况,其中贫困的原因与财富的原因相同。但不平等的实例不一定是退化情况的实例。如果一个木工做了5把椅子而另一个一个也没做,第二个木工会有更少的钱,但不是因为任何人从他那里拿走了任何东西。
即使足够老练知道饼错误的人也被描述经济不平等为一个分位数收入或财富与另一个的比率的习惯引向它。很容易从谈论收入从一个分位数转移到另一个分位数,作为一种比喻,滑向相信这确实是正在发生的事情。
除了在退化情况下,经济不平等不能用比率甚至曲线来描述。在一般情况下,它包括人们变穷的多种方式,以及人们变富的多种方式。这意味着要理解一个国家的经济不平等,你必须去寻找个别贫穷或富有的人,并找出原因。[2]
理解变化
如果你想理解经济不平等的变化,你应该问那些人在情况不同时会做什么。这是我知道富人不是都通过某种将财富从其他人转移给他们的新系统而变得更富有的方法之一。当你对创业公司创始人使用”本会”方法时,你会发现大多数人在1960年经济不平等较低时会做什么,是加入大公司或成为教授。在马克·扎克伯格创办Facebook之前,他的默认期望是他最终会在微软工作。他和大多数其他创业公司创始人比20世纪中叶会更富有的原因不是因为国家在里根政府期间采取了某种右转,而是因为技术进步使得创办一个快速增长的新公司变得容易得多。
传统经济学家似乎奇怪地不愿意研究个人人类。对他们来说似乎有一条规则,一切都必须从统计开始。所以他们给你关于财富和收入变化的非常精确的数字,然后接着是对根本原因的最天真推测。
但是,虽然有许多人通过各种形式的寻租行为变富,有许多人通过玩零和游戏变富,但也有相当数量的人通过创造财富变富。而创造财富,作为经济不平等的来源,与夺取财富不同——不仅在道德上,而且在实践上也是如此,在它更难根除的意义上。一个原因是生产力变化正在加速。个人创造财富的速率取决于他们可用的技术,而技术呈指数级增长。创造财富是如此顽固的不平等来源的另一个原因是它可以扩展以容纳很多人。
不平等的不可避免性
我完全支持关闭致富的歪门邪道。但这不会消除财富的巨大变化,因为只要你留开放通过创造财富致富的选择,想要致富的人就会这样做。
大多数变富的人往往相当有驱动力。无论他们其他缺点如何,懒惰通常不是其中之一。假设新政策使在金融领域发财变得困难。那些目前进入金融领域发家致富的人会继续这样做,但对普通工资感到满足,这似乎合理吗?他们进入金融领域的原因不是因为他们热爱金融,而是因为他们想致富。如果剩下的致富唯一方式是创办创业公司,他们就会创办创业公司。他们在这方面也会做得很好,因为决心是创业公司成功的主要因素。[3] 虽然对于世界来说,如果想致富的人从玩零和游戏转向创造财富可能是一件好事,但这不仅不会消除财富的巨大变化,甚至可能加剧它们。在零和游戏中,上升至少有一个限制。此外,许多新的创业公司将创造进一步加速生产力变化的新技术。
生产力变化远非经济不平等的唯一来源,但它是其不可减少的核心,在这个意义上,当你消除所有其他来源时,你会留下这个。如果你这样做,这个核心将会很大,因为它将扩展到包括所有难民的努力。此外,它周围将有一个巨大的鲍莫尔光晕:任何能够通过为自己创造财富而致富的人都必须得到足够的报酬以防止他们这样做。
你不能在不阻止人们致富的情况下防止财富的巨大变化,而你不能在不阻止他们创办创业公司的情况下做到这一点。
所以让我们明确这一点。消除财富的巨大变化意味着消除创业公司。这似乎不是一个明智的举动。特别是因为它只意味着你在自己的国家消除了创业公司。有抱负的人已经已经移动到世界各地以推进他们的职业生涯,而且创业公司现在可以在任何地方运营。所以如果你使在你的国家通过创造财富致富变得不可能,想要这样做的人只会离开并到其他地方做。这肯定会给你一个更低的基尼系数,以及一个关于小心你要求什么的教训。[4]
我认为上升的经济不平等是那些不选择更糟事情的国家的必然命运。我们在20世纪中期有40年的时间说服了一些人 otherwise。但正如我在《重新碎片化》中解释的,那是一个反常现象——一种独特的情况组合,不仅在经济上而且在文化上压缩了美国社会。[5]
虽然从那时起我们看到的一些经济不平等增长是由于各种不良行为,但个人创造财富的能力同时有了巨大增长。创业公司几乎完全是这个时期的产物。即使在创业公司世界,过去10年也发生了质的变化。技术使创办创业公司的成本降低了很多,以至于创始人现在对投资者有上风。创始人被稀释得更少,现在他们保留董事会控制权也很常见。两者都进一步增加了经济不平等,前者是因为创始人拥有更多股票,后者是因为,正如投资者所了解的,创始人往往比投资者更擅长运营他们的公司。
虽然表面表现发生变化,但潜在力量非常非常古老。我们在硅谷看到的生产力加速已经发生了数千年。如果你看石器工具的历史,技术在中石器时代已经在加速。加速度太慢,在一个生命周期内无法察觉。这就是指数曲线最左部分的特点。但这是相同的曲线。
你不想以与这条曲线不兼容的方式设计你的社会。技术的进化是历史上最强大的力量之一。
路易斯·布兰代斯说”我们可以有民主,或者我们可以有财富集中在少数人手中,但我们不能两者兼得。“这听起来合理。但如果我必须在忽略他和忽略一个已经运行了数千年的指数曲线之间选择,我会赌这条曲线。忽略任何已经运行了数千年的趋势是危险的。但指数增长,尤其是,往往会咬你。
与不平等共存
如果加速的生产力变化总是会产生经济不平等的一些基线增长,那么花一些时间思考那个未来会是一个好主意。你能有一个财富差异很大的健康社会吗?它会是什么样子?
注意思考那个想法感觉多么新颖。到目前为止的公共对话专门集中在减少经济不平等的必要性上。我们几乎没有考虑如何与它共存。
我有希望我们能够做到。布兰代斯是镀金时代的产物,从那以后情况发生了变化。现在更难隐藏不当行为了。而且现在变富你不必像铁路或石油大亨那样购买政客。[6] 我在硅谷周围看到的巨大财富集中似乎并没有破坏民主。
美国有很多问题以经济不平等为症状。我们应该修复那些问题。在这个过程中我们可能会减少经济不平等。但我们不能从症状开始,并希望修复根本原因。[7]
最明显的是贫困。我确信大多数想要减少经济不平等的人这样做主要是为了帮助穷人,而不是为了伤害富人。[8] 确实,有相当数量的人只是在说减少经济不平等时马虎,而他们的意思是减少贫困。但这种情况最好是精确地说明我们想要什么。贫困和经济不平等不是同一的。当城市因为你无法支付账单而关掉你的水时,拉里·佩奇的净资产与你的相比没有任何区别。他可能只比你富有几倍,而你的水被关掉仍然是一个同样大的问题。
与贫困密切相关的是缺乏社会流动性。我自己看到过:你不必长大富有或甚至中上层阶级才能作为创业公司创始人变富,但很少有成功的创始人长大极度贫困。但再次,这里的问题不简单地是经济不平等。拉里·佩奇长大的家庭和成功的创业公司创始人家庭之间有巨大的财富差异,但这并没有阻止他加入他们的行列。阻碍社会流动性的不是经济不平等本身,而是孩子在长得足够贫穷时出错的一些特定组合。
关注真正的问题
硅谷最重要的原则之一是”你衡量什么就得到什么。“这意味着如果你选择专注于某个数字,它往往会改善,但你必须选择正确的数字,因为只有你选择的那个会改善;另一个概念上看似相邻的可能不会。例如,如果你是一名大学校长,你决定专注于毕业率,那么你会提高毕业率。但只是毕业率,而不是学生学习多少。如果你为了提高毕业率而使课程更容易,学生可能会学得更少。
经济不平等与以它为症状的各种问题相距足够远,以至于我们可能只会击中我们瞄准的两个中的哪一个。如果我们瞄准经济不平等,我们不会修复这些问题。所以我说让我们瞄准这些问题。
例如,让我们攻击贫困,并在过程中必要时损害财富。这比攻击财富并希望你会因此修复贫困更有可能起作用。[9] 如果有人通过欺骗消费者或游说政府获得反竞争法规或税收漏洞而变富,那么让我们阻止他们。不是因为它造成经济不平等,而是因为这是偷窃。[10]
如果你只有统计数据,似乎那就是你需要修复的东西。但在经济不平等这样广泛的统计措施背后,有些事情是好的,有些是坏的,有些是有巨大动量的历史趋势,其他是随机事故。如果我们想修复统计数据背后的世界,我们必须理解它,并将我们的努力集中在它们会做得最 good 的地方。
注释
[1] 斯蒂格利茨,约瑟夫。《不平等的代价》。诺顿,2012年。第32页。
[2] 特别是因为经济不平等是异常值的问题,而异常值不成比例地可能通过经济学家通常不考虑的事情方式到达他们那里的位置,比如工资和生产力,而是通过,比如说,最终站在”毒品战争”的错误一边。
[3] 决心是决定成功与失败的最重要因素,在创业公司中成功与失败往往明显分化。但要创造一个极其成功的创业公司需要更多的决心。虽然大多数创始人对致富的想法开始时感到兴奋,但纯粹唯利是图的创始人通常会接受大多数成功创业公司在上升过程中获得的大型收购提议。进入下一阶段的创始人往往是由使命感驱动的。他们对公司的依恋就像艺术家或作家对其作品的依恋。但很难在一开始预测哪些创始人会这样做。这不简单地是他们初始态度的函数。创办公司改变了人。
[4] 在阅读本文的草稿后,理查德·佛罗里达告诉我他曾如何与一群欧洲人交谈”他们说他们想让欧洲更具创业精神,更像硅谷。我说根据定义,这会给你们更多不平等。他们认为我疯了——他们无法处理这个。”
[5] 经济不平等在全球范围内一直在减少。但这主要是由于以前统治所有较贫穷国家的盗贼统治的侵蚀。一旦政治上竞争环境更加公平,我们将看到经济不平等开始再次上升。美国是领头羊。我们在这里面临的情况,世界其他地方迟早也会面临。
[6] 有些人仍然通过购买政客变富。我的观点是这不再是先决条件。
[7] 除了以经济不平等为症状的问题外,还有那些以它为原因的问题。但在大多数如果不是所有情况下,经济不平等不是主要原因。通常有一些不公正允许经济不平等转化为其他形式的不平等,那种不公正是我们需要修复的。例如,美国的警察对待穷人比富人更差。但解决方案不是让人们更富有。是让警察更公平地对待人们。否则他们将继续虐待在其他方面软弱的人。
[8] 一些阅读这篇文章的人会说我在经济不平等的较富端聚焦如此多是 clueless 甚至故意误导——经济不平等真的是关于贫困。但这正是我提出的观点,虽然语言比我用来表达它的更马虎。真正的问题是贫困,不是经济不平等。如果你混淆它们,你瞄准的是错误的目标。
其他人会说我在聚焦通过创造财富变富的人上是 clueless 或误导——创业公司不是问题,而是金融、医疗保健等领域的腐败行为。再次,这正是我的观点。问题不是经济不平等,而是那些特定的滥用行为。
写一篇关于为什么某事不是问题的文章是一个奇怪的任务,但这就是当这么多人错误地认为它是时你发现自己所处的情况。
[9] 特别是因为许多贫困原因只是部分由试图从中赚钱的人驱动。例如,美国异常高的监禁率是贫困的主要原因。虽然营利性监狱公司和监狱警卫工会都花很多钱游说严厉的判决法,但它们不是它们的原始来源。
[10] 顺便说一句,税收漏洞绝对不是由于最近经济不平等增加导致的某种权力转移的产物。20世纪中期的经济平等黄金时代也是避税的黄金时代。确实,它是如此广泛和有效,以至于我怀疑经济不平等是否真的像我们想象的那么低。在人们试图向政府隐藏财富的时期,它也倾向于对统计隐藏。问题潜在规模的一个迹象是政府收入占GDP的百分比,从第二次世界大战结束到现在整个期间一直或多或少保持恒定,与税率之间的差异,税率变化很大。
感谢Sam Altman、Tiffani Ashley Bell、Patrick Collison、Ron Conway、Richard Florida、Ben Horowitz、Jessica Livingston、Robert Morris、Tim O’Reilly、Max Roser和Alexia Tsotsis阅读本文的草稿。
注意:这是一个新版本,我从中删除了一对让很多人生气的比喻,基本上通过宏扩展它们。如果有人想看旧版本,我把它放在这里。
相关:简短版本 | 对Ezra Klein的回复 | 对Russell Okung的回复 | 法语翻译
Economic Inequality
January 2016
Since the 1970s, economic inequality in the US has increased dramatically. And in particular, the rich have gotten a lot richer. Nearly everyone who writes about the topic says that economic inequality should be decreased.
I’m interested in this question because I was one of the founders of a company called Y Combinator that helps people start startups. Almost by definition, if a startup succeeds, its founders become rich. Which means by helping startup founders I’ve been helping to increase economic inequality. If economic inequality should be decreased, I shouldn’t be helping founders. No one should be.
But that doesn’t sound right. What’s going on here? What’s going on is that while economic inequality is a single measure (or more precisely, two: variation in income, and variation in wealth), it has multiple causes. Many of these causes are bad, like tax loopholes and drug addiction. But some are good, like Larry Page and Sergey Brin starting the company you use to find things online.
If you want to understand economic inequality — and more importantly, if you actually want to fix the bad aspects of it — you have to tease apart the components. And yet the trend in nearly everything written about the subject is to do the opposite: to squash together all the aspects of economic inequality as if it were a single phenomenon.
Sometimes this is done for ideological reasons. Sometimes it’s because the writer only has very high-level data and so draws conclusions from that, like the proverbial drunk who looks for his keys under the lamppost, instead of where he dropped them, because the light is better there. Sometimes it’s because the writer doesn’t understand critical aspects of inequality, like the role of technology in wealth creation. Much of the time, perhaps most of the time, writing about economic inequality combines all three.
The Pie Fallacy
The most common mistake people make about economic inequality is to treat it as a single phenomenon. The most naive version of which is the one based on the pie fallacy: that the rich get rich by taking money from the poor.
Usually this is an assumption people start from rather than a conclusion they arrive at by examining the evidence. Sometimes the pie fallacy is stated explicitly: “…those at the top are grabbing an increasing fraction of the nation’s income — so much of a larger share that what’s left over for the rest is diminished…” [1] Other times it’s more unconscious. But the unconscious form is very widespread. I think because we grow up in a world where the pie fallacy is actually true. To kids, wealth is a fixed pie that’s shared out, and if one person gets more, it’s at the expense of another. It takes a conscious effort to remind oneself that the real world doesn’t work that way.
In the real world you can create wealth as well as taking it from others. A woodworker creates wealth. He makes a chair, and you willingly give him money in return for it. A high-frequency trader does not. He makes a dollar only when someone on the other end of a trade loses a dollar.
If the rich people in a society got that way by taking wealth from the poor, then you have the degenerate case of economic inequality, where the cause of poverty is the same as the cause of wealth. But instances of inequality don’t have to be instances of the degenerate case. If one woodworker makes 5 chairs and another makes none, the second woodworker will have less money, but not because anyone took anything from him.
Even people sophisticated enough to know about the pie fallacy are led toward it by the custom of describing economic inequality as a ratio of one quantile’s income or wealth to another’s. It’s so easy to slip from talking about income shifting from one quantile to another, as a figure of speech, into believing that is literally what’s happening.
Except in the degenerate case, economic inequality can’t be described by a ratio or even a curve. In the general case it consists of multiple ways people become poor, and multiple ways people become rich. Which means to understand economic inequality in a country, you have to go find individual people who are poor or rich and figure out why. [2]
Understanding Change
If you want to understand change in economic inequality, you should ask what those people would have done when it was different. This is one way I know the rich aren’t all getting richer simply from some new system for transferring wealth to them from everyone else. When you use the would-have method with startup founders, you find what most would have done back in 1960, when economic inequality was lower, was to join big companies or become professors. Before Mark Zuckerberg started Facebook, his default expectation was that he’d end up working at Microsoft. The reason he and most other startup founders are richer than they would have been in the mid 20th century is not because of some right turn the country took during the Reagan administration, but because progress in technology has made it much easier to start a new company that grows fast.
Traditional economists seem strangely averse to studying individual humans. It seems to be a rule with them that everything has to start with statistics. So they give you very precise numbers about variation in wealth and income, then follow it with the most naive speculation about the underlying causes.
But while there are a lot of people who get rich through rent-seeking of various forms, and a lot who get rich by playing zero-sum games, there are also a significant number who get rich by creating wealth. And creating wealth, as a source of economic inequality, is different from taking it — not just morally, but also practically, in the sense that it is harder to eradicate. One reason is that variation in productivity is accelerating. The rate at which individuals can create wealth depends on the technology available to them, and that grows exponentially. The other reason creating wealth is such a tenacious source of inequality is that it can expand to accommodate a lot of people.
The Inevitability of Inequality
I’m all for shutting down the crooked ways to get rich. But that won’t eliminate great variations in wealth, because as long as you leave open the option of getting rich by creating wealth, people who want to get rich will do that instead.
Most people who get rich tend to be fairly driven. Whatever their other flaws, laziness is usually not one of them. Suppose new policies make it hard to make a fortune in finance. Does it seem plausible that the people who currently go into finance to make their fortunes will continue to do so, but be content to work for ordinary salaries? The reason they go into finance is not because they love finance but because they want to get rich. If the only way left to get rich is to start startups, they’ll start startups. They’ll do well at it too, because determination is the main factor in the success of a startup. [3] And while it would probably be a good thing for the world if people who wanted to get rich switched from playing zero-sum games to creating wealth, that would not only not eliminate great variations in wealth, but might even exacerbate them. In a zero-sum game there is at least a limit to the upside. Plus a lot of the new startups would create new technology that further accelerated variation in productivity.
Variation in productivity is far from the only source of economic inequality, but it is the irreducible core of it, in the sense that you’ll have that left when you eliminate all other sources. And if you do, that core will be big, because it will have expanded to include the efforts of all the refugees. Plus it will have a large Baumol penumbra around it: anyone who could get rich by creating wealth on their own account will have to be paid enough to prevent them from doing it.
You can’t prevent great variations in wealth without preventing people from getting rich, and you can’t do that without preventing them from starting startups.
So let’s be clear about that. Eliminating great variations in wealth would mean eliminating startups. And that doesn’t seem a wise move. Especially since it would only mean you eliminated startups in your own country. Ambitious people already move halfway around the world to further their careers, and startups can operate from anywhere nowadays. So if you made it impossible to get rich by creating wealth in your country, people who wanted to do that would just leave and do it somewhere else. Which would certainly get you a lower Gini coefficient, along with a lesson in being careful what you ask for. [4]
I think rising economic inequality is the inevitable fate of countries that don’t choose something worse. We had a 40 year stretch in the middle of the 20th century that convinced some people otherwise. But as I explained in The Refragmentation, that was an anomaly — a unique combination of circumstances that compressed American society not just economically but culturally too. [5]
And while some of the growth in economic inequality we’ve seen since then has been due to bad behavior of various kinds, there has simultaneously been a huge increase in individuals’ ability to create wealth. Startups are almost entirely a product of this period. And even within the startup world, there has been a qualitative change in the last 10 years. Technology has decreased the cost of starting a startup so much that founders now have the upper hand over investors. Founders get less diluted, and it is now common for them to retain board control as well. Both further increase economic inequality, the former because founders own more stock, and the latter because, as investors have learned, founders tend to be better at running their companies than investors.
While the surface manifestations change, the underlying forces are very, very old. The acceleration of productivity we see in Silicon Valley has been happening for thousands of years. If you look at the history of stone tools, technology was already accelerating in the Mesolithic. The acceleration would have been too slow to perceive in one lifetime. Such is the nature of the leftmost part of an exponential curve. But it was the same curve.
You do not want to design your society in a way that’s incompatible with this curve. The evolution of technology is one of the most powerful forces in history.
Louis Brandeis said “We may have democracy, or we may have wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can’t have both.” That sounds plausible. But if I have to choose between ignoring him and ignoring an exponential curve that has been operating for thousands of years, I’ll bet on the curve. Ignoring any trend that has been operating for thousands of years is dangerous. But exponential growth, especially, tends to bite you.
Living with Inequality
If accelerating variation in productivity is always going to produce some baseline growth in economic inequality, it would be a good idea to spend some time thinking about that future. Can you have a healthy society with great variation in wealth? What would it look like?
Notice how novel it feels to think about that. The public conversation so far has been exclusively about the need to decrease economic inequality. We’ve barely given a thought to how to live with it.
I’m hopeful we’ll be able to. Brandeis was a product of the Gilded Age, and things have changed since then. It’s harder to hide wrongdoing now. And to get rich now you don’t have to buy politicians the way railroad or oil magnates did. [6] The great concentrations of wealth I see around me in Silicon Valley don’t seem to be destroying democracy.
There are lots of things wrong with the US that have economic inequality as a symptom. We should fix those things. In the process we may decrease economic inequality. But we can’t start from the symptom and hope to fix the underlying causes. [7]
The most obvious is poverty. I’m sure most of those who want to decrease economic inequality want to do it mainly to help the poor, not to hurt the rich. [8] Indeed, a good number are merely being sloppy by speaking of decreasing economic inequality when what they mean is decreasing poverty. But this is a situation where it would be good to be precise about what we want. Poverty and economic inequality are not identical. When the city is turning off your water because you can’t pay the bill, it doesn’t make any difference what Larry Page’s net worth is compared to yours. He might only be a few times richer than you, and it would still be just as much of a problem that your water was getting turned off.
Closely related to poverty is lack of social mobility. I’ve seen this myself: you don’t have to grow up rich or even upper middle class to get rich as a startup founder, but few successful founders grew up desperately poor. But again, the problem here is not simply economic inequality. There is an enormous difference in wealth between the household Larry Page grew up in and that of a successful startup founder, but that didn’t prevent him from joining their ranks. It’s not economic inequality per se that’s blocking social mobility, but some specific combination of things that go wrong when kids grow up sufficiently poor.
Focus on Real Problems
One of the most important principles in Silicon Valley is that “you make what you measure.” It means that if you pick some number to focus on, it will tend to improve, but that you have to choose the right number, because only the one you choose will improve; another that seems conceptually adjacent might not. For example, if you’re a university president and you decide to focus on graduation rates, then you’ll improve graduation rates. But only graduation rates, not how much students learn. Students could learn less, if to improve graduation rates you made classes easier.
Economic inequality is sufficiently far from identical with the various problems that have it as a symptom that we’ll probably only hit whichever of the two we aim at. If we aim at economic inequality, we won’t fix these problems. So I say let’s aim at the problems.
For example, let’s attack poverty, and if necessary damage wealth in the process. That’s much more likely to work than attacking wealth in the hope that you will thereby fix poverty. [9] And if there are people getting rich by tricking consumers or lobbying the government for anti-competitive regulations or tax loopholes, then let’s stop them. Not because it’s causing economic inequality, but because it’s stealing. [10]
If all you have is statistics, it seems like that’s what you need to fix. But behind a broad statistical measure like economic inequality there are some things that are good and some that are bad, some that are historical trends with immense momentum and others that are random accidents. If we want to fix the world behind the statistics, we have to understand it, and focus our efforts where they’ll do the most good.
Notes
[1] Stiglitz, Joseph. The Price of Inequality. Norton, 2012. p. 32.
[2] Particularly since economic inequality is a matter of outliers, and outliers are disproportionately likely to have gotten where they are by ways that have little do with the sort of things economists usually think about, like wages and productivity, but rather by, say, ending up on the wrong side of the “War on Drugs.”
[3] Determination is the most important factor in deciding between success and failure, which in startups tend to be sharply differentiated. But it takes more than determination to create one of the hugely successful startups. Though most founders start out excited about the idea of getting rich, purely mercenary founders will usually take one of the big acquisition offers most successful startups get on the way up. The founders who go on to the next stage tend to be driven by a sense of mission. They have the same attachment to their companies that an artist or writer has to their work. But it is very hard to predict at the outset which founders will do that. It’s not simply a function of their initial attitude. Starting a company changes people.
[4] After reading a draft of this essay, Richard Florida told me how he had once talked to a group of Europeans “who said they wanted to make Europe more entrepreneurial and more like Silicon Valley. I said by definition this will give you more inequality. They thought I was insane — they could not process it.”
[5] Economic inequality has been decreasing globally. But this is mainly due to the erosion of the kleptocracies that formerly dominated all the poorer countries. Once the playing field is leveler politically, we’ll see economic inequality start to rise again. The US is the bellwether. The situation we face here, the rest of the world will sooner or later.
[6] Some people still get rich by buying politicians. My point is that it’s no longer a precondition.
[7] As well as problems that have economic inequality as a symptom, there are those that have it as a cause. But in most if not all, economic inequality is not the primary cause. There is usually some injustice that is allowing economic inequality to turn into other forms of inequality, and that injustice is what we need to fix. For example, the police in the US treat the poor worse than the rich. But the solution is not to make people richer. It’s to make the police treat people more equitably. Otherwise they’ll continue to maltreat people who are weak in other ways.
[8] Some who read this essay will say that I’m clueless or even being deliberately misleading by focusing so much on the richer end of economic inequality — that economic inequality is really about poverty. But that is exactly the point I’m making, though sloppier language than I’d use to make it. The real problem is poverty, not economic inequality. And if you conflate them you’re aiming at the wrong target.
Others will say I’m clueless or being misleading by focusing on people who get rich by creating wealth — that startups aren’t the problem, but corrupt practices in finance, healthcare, and so on. Once again, that is exactly my point. The problem is not economic inequality, but those specific abuses.
It’s a strange task to write an essay about why something isn’t the problem, but that’s the situation you find yourself in when so many people mistakenly think it is.
[9] Particularly since many causes of poverty are only partially driven by people trying to make money from them. For example, America’s abnormally high incarceration rate is a major cause of poverty. But although for-profit prison companies and prison guard unions both spend a lot lobbying for harsh sentencing laws, they are not the original source of them.
[10] Incidentally, tax loopholes are definitely not a product of some power shift due to recent increases in economic inequality. The golden age of economic equality in the mid 20th century was also the golden age of tax avoidance. Indeed, it was so widespread and so effective that I’m skeptical whether economic inequality was really so low then as we think. In a period when people are trying to hide wealth from the government, it will tend to be hidden from statistics too. One sign of the potential magnitude of the problem is the discrepancy between government receipts as a percentage of GDP, which have remained more or less constant during the entire period from the end of World War II to the present, and tax rates, which have varied dramatically.
Thanks to Sam Altman, Tiffani Ashley Bell, Patrick Collison, Ron Conway, Richard Florida, Ben Horowitz, Jessica Livingston, Robert Morris, Tim O’Reilly, Max Roser, and Alexia Tsotsis for reading drafts of this.
Note: This is a new version from which I removed a pair of metaphors that made a lot of people mad, essentially by macroexpanding them. If anyone wants to see the old version, I put it here.
Related: The Short Version | A Reply to Ezra Klein | A Reply to Russell Okung | French Translation