异端

Paul Graham 2022-04-01

异端

2022年4月

我一生中目睹的最令人惊讶的事情之一是异端概念的重生。

理查德·韦斯特福尔在他关于牛顿的优秀传记中写道,当他被选为三一学院研究员时:“舒适地得到支持,牛顿可以完全投身于他选择的任何事物。为了留下来,他只需要避免三个不可饶恕的罪:犯罪、异端和婚姻。” [1] 我第一次读到这句话是在1990年代,听起来有趣地中世纪。避免犯异端,多么奇怪。但当我20年后重读时,它听起来像是对当代就业的描述。

你可以因为发表越来越多的意见而被解雇。那些解雇你的人不用”异端”这个词来描述它们,但在结构上它们是等价的。结构上,异端有两个鲜明的特征:(1)它优先于真假问题,(2)它压倒发言人所做的一切其他事情。

例如,当有人称一个陈述为”x主义”时,他们也隐含地说这是讨论的结束。他们说了这个之后,并不会继续考虑这个陈述是否真实。使用这种标签在对话上相当于发出异常信号。这是它们被使用的原因之一:结束讨论。

如果你发现自己和一个经常使用这些标签的人交谈,可能值得明确问他们是否相信任何婴儿都被连同洗澡水一起扔掉了。一个陈述可能是x主义(无论x是什么值),同时也真实吗?如果答案是肯定的,那么他们承认禁止真相。这足够明显,我猜大多数人会回答否。但如果他们回答否,很容易表明他们错了,实际上这种标签被应用于陈述,无论其真假。

这最清楚的证据是,一个陈述是否被认为是x主义往往取决于谁说的。真理不是那样运作的。同一个陈述不可能当一个人说时是真实的,但当另一个人说时是x主义,因此是虚假的。[2]

异端与普通意见相比的另一个鲜明特征是,它们的公开表达压倒发言人所做的一切其他事情。在普通事情上,比如历史知识或音乐品味,你根据你意见的平均值来评判。异端在质上不同。就像把一块铀掉到天平上。

在过去(现在在某些地方仍然),对异端的惩罚是死亡。你可能过着模范善行的生活,但如果你公开质疑,比如说,基督的神性,你将被烧死。如今,在文明国家,异端只是在比喻意义上被解雇,通过失去工作。但情况的结构是相同的:异端压倒一切。你可能花了过去十年拯救儿童的生命,但如果你表达某些意见,你会自动被解雇。

这很像你犯了罪。无论你生活多么有美德,如果你犯了罪,你仍然必须承受法律的惩罚。以前过着无可指责的生活可能会减轻惩罚,但不影响你有罪还是无罪。

异端是一种意见,其表达被视为犯罪——一种使某些人感觉不仅是你错了,而且你应该受到惩罚的意见。确实,他们看到你受惩罚的愿望往往比你犯了实际罪行时更强烈。极左的许多人强烈相信重罪犯的重新融入(我自己也相信),但却似乎觉得任何犯有某些异端罪的人永远不应该再工作。

总会有一些异端——一些你会因表达而受惩罚的意见。但现在比几十年前多得多,即使是那些对此感到高兴的人也不得不承认确实如此。

为什么?为什么这个听起来古老过时的宗教概念以世俗形式回归?为什么是现在?

你需要两种成分来制造一波不宽容:不宽容的人,以及指导他们的意识形态。不宽容的人总是在那里。它们存在于每个足够大的社会中。这就是为什么不宽容的浪潮会如此突然地出现;它们只需要一些东西来引发它们。

我已经写过一篇描述激进传统思维者的文章。简短版本是,人们可以根据(1)他们是独立思维还是传统思维,以及(2)他们对这有多激进来在两个维度上分类。激进传统思维者是正统的执行者。

通常他们只在局部可见。他们是一个群体中脾气暴躁、爱挑剔的人——每当有东西违反当前礼仪规则时,他们总是第一个抱怨。但偶尔,就像矢量场元素变得对齐一样,大量激进传统思维者一下子团结在某种意识形态后面。然后他们成为更大的问题,因为暴民动态接管了,每个参与者的热情被其他人的热情增加。

20世纪最臭名昭著的案例可能是文化大革命。虽然由毛泽东发起以破坏他的对手,但文化大革命其他方面主要是基层现象。毛泽东本质上说:我们中间有异端。找出他们并惩罚他们。而这就是激进传统思维者需要听到的全部。他们以狗追松鼠的喜悦进行这件事。

要团结传统思维者,意识形态必须具有宗教的许多特征。特别是它必须有严格和任意的规则,信徒可以通过遵守来证明他们的纯洁,其信徒必须相信遵守这些规则的人事实上比不遵守的人在道德上优越。[3]

1980年代末,这种类型的新意识形态出现在美国大学。它有非常强烈的道德纯洁成分,激进传统思维者以他们通常的渴望抓住它——更是因为前几十年社会规范的放松意味着可禁止的东西越来越少。结果的不宽容浪潮在形式上与文化大革命惊人地相似,虽然幸好规模小得多。[4]

我在这里故意避免提及任何具体的异端。部分原因是异端猎人的普遍策略之一,现在和过去一样,是指责那些不赞成他们压制思想方式的人本身就是异端。确实,这种策略如此一致,你可以用它作为在任何时代检测巫师迫害的方法。

这是我避免提及任何具体异端的第二个原因。我希望这篇文章在未来而不仅仅是现在有效。不幸的是,它可能会。激进传统思维者将永远在我们中间,寻找要禁止的东西。他们需要的只是一个意识形态来告诉他们是什么。而当前的不太可能是最后一个。

左右都有激进传统思维者。当前不宽容浪潮来自左派的原因很简单,因为新的统一意识形态碰巧来自左派。下一个可能来自右派。想象那会是什么样子。

幸运的是,在西方国家,对异端的压制远不如过去那样糟糕。虽然过去十年你可以公开表达的意见窗口变窄了,但它仍然比几百年前宽得多。问题是导数。直到大约1985年,窗口一直在变得越来越宽。1985年任何展望未来的人都会期望言论自由继续增加。相反,它减少了。[5]

这种情况类似于麻疹等传染病发生的情况。2010年任何展望未来的人都会期望美国的麻疹病例数量继续减少。相反,由于反疫苗者,它增加了。绝对数量仍然不是那么高。问题是导数。[6]

在这两种情况下,很难知道要担心多少。如果少数极端分子拒绝给孩子接种疫苗,或者在大学上喊倒发言人,这对整个社会真的危险吗?开始担心的点大概是当他们的努力开始蔓延到其他人的生活时。在这两种情况下,这似乎确实正在发生。

所以可能值得花费一些努力来抵制以保持言论自由窗口的开放。我希望这篇文章不仅有助于形成对抗当前压制思想努力的社会抗体,而且有助于对抗异端概念本身。这才是真正的奖品。你如何禁用异端概念?自从启蒙运动以来,西方社会发现了许多技术来做到这一点,但肯定还有更多有待发现。

总的来说我乐观。虽然过去十年言论自由的趋势不好,但在更长期上它是好的。而且有迹象表明当前的不宽容浪潮正在达到顶峰。我交谈的独立思维者似乎比几年前更有信心。另一方面,即使是一些领导者也开始怀疑事情是否走得太远。年轻人中的流行文化已经向前发展。我们要做的就是继续抵制,浪潮就崩溃了。然后我们将净胜出,因为不仅击败了这波浪潮,我们还开发了抵抗下一波浪潮的新战术。

注释

[1] 或者更准确地说,是牛顿的传记,因为韦斯特福尔写了两本:一本长的叫《永不休息》,一本短的叫《艾萨克·牛顿的一生》。两本都很棒。短版本进展更快,但长本充满了有趣且经常非常有趣的细节。这段话在两本中相同。

[2] 另一个更微妙但同样有决定性的证据是,x主义的声称从来没有被限定。你从未听任何人说一个陈述”可能是x主义”或”几乎肯定是y主义”。如果x主义的声称实际上是关于真理的声称,你会期望看到”可能”出现在”x主义”前面,就像你看到它出现在”谬误”前面一样频繁。

[3] 规则必须严格,但不需要要求高。所以最有效的规则类型是关于表面事务的,比如教义细节,或者信徒必须使用的确切词语。这种规则可以变得极其复杂,却不通过要求重大牺牲而排斥潜在皈依者。

正统的表面要求使其成为美德的廉价替代品。而这反过来又是正统对坏人如此有吸引力的原因之一。你可能是一个可怕的人,但只要你正统,你就比任何不正统的人都好。

[4] 可以说有两波。第一波到2000年已经有所减弱,但随后在2010年代跟着第二波,可能是由社交媒体引起的。

[5] 幸运的是,今天大多数试图压制思想的人仍然足够尊重启蒙原则,对其口头上说说而已。他们知道不应该禁止思想本身,所以他们必须将思想重新描述为造成”伤害”,这听起来像是可以禁止的东西。更极端的人试图声称言论本身就是暴力,甚至沉默也是。但听起来可能很奇怪,这种翻腾是个好迹象。当我们真的陷入麻烦时,他们会停止费心发明禁止思想的借口——当他们像中世纪教会那样说”对,我们在禁止思想,事实上这是它们的清单”时。

[6] 人们只有因为疫苗工作得如此之好,才有忽视医学界关于疫苗共识的奢侈。如果我们根本没有疫苗,死亡率会如此之高,以至于大多数当前的反疫苗者会乞求它们。而言论自由的情况类似。正是因为他们生活在启蒙运动创造的世界里,郊区的孩子们才能玩禁止思想的游戏。

感谢Marc Andreessen、Chris Best、Trevor Blackwell、Nicholas Christakis、Daniel Gackle、Jonathan Haidt、Claire Lehmann、Jessica Livingston、Greg Lukianoff、Robert Morris和Garry Tan阅读本文的草稿。

Heresy

April 2022

One of the most surprising things I’ve witnessed in my lifetime is the rebirth of the concept of heresy.

In his excellent biography of Newton, Richard Westfall writes about the moment when he was elected a fellow of Trinity College: “Supported comfortably, Newton was free to devote himself wholly to whatever he chose. To remain on, he had only to avoid the three unforgivable sins: crime, heresy, and marriage.” [1] The first time I read that, in the 1990s, it sounded amusingly medieval. How strange, to have to avoid committing heresy. But when I reread it 20 years later it sounded like a description of contemporary employment.

There are an ever-increasing number of opinions you can be fired for. Those doing the firing don’t use the word “heresy” to describe them, but structurally they’re equivalent. Structurally there are two distinctive things about heresy: (1) that it takes priority over the question of truth or falsity, and (2) that it outweighs everything else the speaker has done.

For example, when someone calls a statement “x-ist,” they’re also implicitly saying that this is the end of the discussion. They do not, having said this, go on to consider whether the statement is true or not. Using such labels is the conversational equivalent of signalling an exception. That’s one of the reasons they’re used: to end a discussion.

If you find yourself talking to someone who uses these labels a lot, it might be worthwhile to ask them explicitly if they believe any babies are being thrown out with the bathwater. Can a statement be x-ist, for whatever value of x, and also true? If the answer is yes, then they’re admitting to banning the truth. That’s obvious enough that I’d guess most would answer no. But if they answer no, it’s easy to show that they’re mistaken, and that in practice such labels are applied to statements regardless of their truth or falsity.

The clearest evidence of this is that whether a statement is considered x-ist often depends on who said it. Truth doesn’t work that way. The same statement can’t be true when one person says it, but x-ist, and therefore false, when another person does. [2]

The other distinctive thing about heresies, compared to ordinary opinions, is that the public expression of them outweighs everything else the speaker has done. In ordinary matters, like knowledge of history, or taste in music, you’re judged by the average of your opinions. A heresy is qualitatively different. It’s like dropping a chunk of uranium onto the scale.

Back in the day (and still, in some places) the punishment for heresy was death. You could have led a life of exemplary goodness, but if you publicly doubted, say, the divinity of Christ, you were going to burn. Nowadays, in civilized countries, heretics only get fired in the metaphorical sense, by losing their jobs. But the structure of the situation is the same: the heresy outweighs everything else. You could have spent the last ten years saving children’s lives, but if you express certain opinions, you’re automatically fired.

It’s much the same as if you committed a crime. No matter how virtuously you’ve lived, if you commit a crime, you must still suffer the penalty of the law. Having lived a previously blameless life might mitigate the punishment, but it doesn’t affect whether you’re guilty or not.

A heresy is an opinion whose expression is treated like a crime—one that makes some people feel not merely that you’re mistaken, but that you should be punished. Indeed, their desire to see you punished is often stronger than it would be if you’d committed an actual crime. There are many on the far left who believe strongly in the reintegration of felons (as I do myself), and yet seem to feel that anyone guilty of certain heresies should never work again.

There are always some heresies—some opinions you’d be punished for expressing. But there are a lot more now than there were a few decades ago, and even those who are happy about this would have to agree that it’s so.

Why? Why has this antiquated-sounding religious concept come back in a secular form? And why now?

You need two ingredients for a wave of intolerance: intolerant people, and an ideology to guide them. The intolerant people are always there. They exist in every sufficiently large society. That’s why waves of intolerance can arise so suddenly; all they need is something to set them off.

I’ve already written an essay describing the aggressively conventional-minded. The short version is that people can be classified in two dimensions according to (1) how independent- or conventional-minded they are, and (2) how aggressive they are about it. The aggressively conventional-minded are the enforcers of orthodoxy.

Normally they’re only locally visible. They’re the grumpy, censorious people in a group—the ones who are always first to complain when something violates the current rules of propriety. But occasionally, like a vector field whose elements become aligned, a large number of aggressively conventional-minded people unite behind some ideology all at once. Then they become much more of a problem, because a mob dynamic takes over, where the enthusiasm of each participant is increased by the enthusiasm of the others.

The most notorious 20th century case may have been the Cultural Revolution. Though initiated by Mao to undermine his rivals, the Cultural Revolution was otherwise mostly a grass-roots phenomenon. Mao said in essence: “There are heretics among us. Seek them out and punish them.” And that’s all the aggressively conventional-minded ever need to hear. They went at it with the delight of dogs chasing squirrels.

To unite the conventional-minded, an ideology must have many of the features of a religion. In particular it must have strict and arbitrary rules that adherents can demonstrate their purity by obeying, and its adherents must believe that anyone who obeys these rules is ipso facto morally superior to anyone who doesn’t. [3]

In the late 1980s a new ideology of this type appeared in US universities. It had a very strong component of moral purity, and the aggressively conventional-minded seized upon it with their usual eagerness—all the more because the relaxation of social norms in the preceding decades meant there had been less and less to forbid. The resulting wave of intolerance has been eerily similar in form to the Cultural Revolution, though fortunately much smaller in magnitude. [4]

I’ve deliberately avoided mentioning any specific heresies here. Partly because one of the universal tactics of heretic hunters, now as in the past, is to accuse those who disapprove of the way in which they suppress ideas of being heretics themselves. Indeed, this tactic is so consistent that you could use it as a way of detecting witch hunts in any era.

And that’s the second reason I’ve avoided mentioning any specific heresies. I want this essay to work in the future, not just now. And unfortunately it probably will. The aggressively conventional-minded will always be among us, looking for things to forbid. All they need is an ideology to tell them what. And it’s unlikely the current one will be the last.

There are aggressively conventional-minded people on both the right and the left. The reason the current wave of intolerance comes from the left is simply because the new unifying ideology happened to come from the left. The next one might come from the right. Imagine what that would be like.

Fortunately in western countries the suppression of heresies is nothing like as bad as it used to be. Though the window of opinions you can express publicly has narrowed in the last decade, it’s still much wider than it was a few hundred years ago. The problem is the derivative. Up till about 1985 the window had been growing ever wider. Anyone looking into the future in 1985 would have expected freedom of expression to continue to increase. Instead it has decreased. [5]

The situation is similar to what’s happened with infectious diseases like measles. Anyone looking into the future in 2010 would have expected the number of measles cases in the US to continue to decrease. Instead, thanks to anti-vaxxers, it has increased. The absolute number is still not that high. The problem is the derivative. [6]

In both cases it’s hard to know how much to worry. Is it really dangerous to society as a whole if a handful of extremists refuse to get their kids vaccinated, or shout down speakers at universities? The point to start worrying is presumably when their efforts start to spill over into everyone else’s lives. And in both cases that does seem to be happening.

So it’s probably worth spending some amount of effort on pushing back to keep open the window of free expression. My hope is that this essay will help form social antibodies not just against current efforts to suppress ideas, but against the concept of heresy in general. That’s the real prize. How do you disable the concept of heresy? Since the Enlightenment, western societies have discovered many techniques for doing that, but there are surely more to be discovered.

Overall I’m optimistic. Though the trend in freedom of expression has been bad over the last decade, it’s been good over the longer term. And there are signs that the current wave of intolerance is peaking. Independent-minded people I talk to seem more confident than they did a few years ago. On the other side, even some of the leaders are starting to wonder if things have gone too far. And popular culture among the young has already moved on. All we have to do is keep pushing back, and the wave collapses. And then we’ll be net ahead, because as well as having defeated this wave, we’ll also have developed new tactics for resisting the next one.

Notes

[1] Or more accurately, biographies of Newton, since Westfall wrote two: a long version called Never at Rest, and a shorter one called The Life of Isaac Newton. Both are great. The short version moves faster, but the long one is full of interesting and often very funny details. This passage is the same in both.

[2] Another more subtle but equally damning bit of evidence is that claims of x-ism are never qualified. You never hear anyone say that a statement is “probably x-ist” or “almost certainly y-ist.” If claims of x-ism were actually claims about truth, you’d expect to see “probably” in front of “x-ist” as often as you see it in front of “fallacious.”

[3] The rules must be strict, but they need not be demanding. So the most effective type of rules are those about superficial matters, like doctrinal minutiae, or the precise words adherents must use. Such rules can be made extremely complicated, and yet don’t repel potential converts by requiring significant sacrifice.

The superficial demands of orthodoxy make it an inexpensive substitute for virtue. And that in turn is one of the reasons orthodoxy is so attractive to bad people. You could be a horrible person, and yet as long as you’re orthodox, you’re better than everyone who isn’t.

[4] Arguably there were two. The first had died down somewhat by 2000, but was followed by a second in the 2010s, probably caused by social media.

[5] Fortunately most of those trying to suppress ideas today still respect Enlightenment principles enough to pay lip service to them. They know they’re not supposed to ban ideas per se, so they have to recast the ideas as causing “harm,” which sounds like something that can be banned. The more extreme try to claim speech itself is violence, or even that silence is. But strange as it may sound, such gymnastics are a good sign. We’ll know we’re really in trouble when they stop bothering to invent pretenses for banning ideas—when, like the medieval church, they say “Damn right we’re banning ideas, and in fact here’s a list of them.”

[6] People only have the luxury of ignoring the medical consensus about vaccines because vaccines have worked so well. If we didn’t have any vaccines at all, the mortality rate would be so high that most current anti-vaxxers would be begging for them. And the situation with freedom of expression is similar. It’s only because they live in a world created by the Enlightenment that kids from the suburbs can play at banning ideas.

Thanks to Marc Andreessen, Chris Best, Trevor Blackwell, Nicholas Christakis, Daniel Gackle, Jonathan Haidt, Claire Lehmann, Jessica Livingston, Greg Lukianoff, Robert Morris, and Garry Tan for reading drafts of this.